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Friday, 28 October 2016


Georgia heads for fatal repetition

2010-06-18 18:30

6179.jpegAskar Akayev unseated from presidential post by Tulip revolutionists in 2005 predicts prompt change of regime in Georgia. Commenting on the events in Kirgizia he compares them with the situation in Georgia foretelling a bad end to the Rose Revolution. "I don't think it impossible that the virus of "color revolution" in Georgia might produce a fatal redevelopment", - he remarked.


Indeed, coups d'etat in the middle of the first decade of 21st century in near-abroad countries have absolutely nothing to do with the notion of constitutionality. The Rose Revolution is the only survival in the post-Soviet space. That is why its leader hangs on longer than "sour orange" Viktor Yushenko in Ukraine and Kurmanbek Bakiyev in Kirgizia. Is their fate in store for Mikheil Saakashvili?

Seizure of parliament by Saakashvili, a young reformer with roses in his hands in November 2003 was the first in a series of color revolutions in then unique geopolitical space, all of them sponsored by Western foundations. As a result all these puppet governments were serving the USA to the detriment of Russian interests. Revolution leaders allegedly carrying the light of democracy to gloomy post-Soviet czardoms turned into businessmen pursuing their personal prosperity only.

Betrayal of "fair ideals" was most glaring in Ukraine and Kirgizia. Viktor Yushenko whose star began to shine half a year after Saakashvili's was president for only one term and thanks to close attention of the world community slipped into obscurity after the election earlier this year. Kurmanbek Bakiyev who made his tulip way to the Olympus managed to win last summer election but was on the brink of death in April 2010 facing a coup organized by the opposition and massively supported by the population.

In Georgia the first attempt to dethrone Mikheil Saakashvili took place before the end of his first presidential term - in November 2007. The opposition was able to take people onto the streets full of disillusionment over the new president. But the "champion of democracy" held his ground showing who he really was: the demonstrations were dispersed with the use of batons, rubber bullets and tear gas. Imedi pro-opposition TV channel was shut down. Fiercest opponents of the regime were ousted from the country. Badri Patarkatsishvili, a most influential business man sponsoring the opposition suddenly died abroad as an emigrant.

Suppressing the wave of protests Saakashvili got back to pseudo-democratic methods by organizing early resignation and announcing a new presidential election. It was not a big deal to win in the country intimidated by the crackdown in November 2007. His United National Movement was equally successful at winning parliamentary election that followed. The opposition called both campaigns falsified.

The economic situation in the country that was moving toward a deeper breakoff with Russia like a lost ship run by a reckless skipper was getting still harder. If in summer 2008 Mikheil Saakashvili's army had not invaded Tskhinval by autumn the opposition could have raised a new revolt. But the battle for integrity brought the Georgian society together again and Western billions for "the victim of Russian imperialism" saved post-war Georgia from the collapse helping the government to preserve power.

In spring 2009 the opposition again urged Saakashvili to resign before term. Ambitions of leaders in a couple of dozens of parties and as a consequence their complete inability to come to terms with each other produced no effective results.

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